英文后怎么写作文

『壹』 怎么用英语写作文

英语作文的形式有说明文(exposition)，议论文(argumentation)，叙述文(narration)和描写文(description)四种。不论写哪一种作文，你都必须首先选词(word)，造句(sentence)，然后组段(paragraph)，成文(composition)。因此，中学生学习用英语写作文最好不要一开始就忙于追究说明文怎么个写法，议论文怎么个写法等等，而应该花一定的时间和精力练习写作文的基本功，也就是学习和获取选词、造句、组段、谋篇的知识和能力。一、遴选词汇(wording)1、分辨语体。英语词有书面语体和口语体之分。写作文时，应多用书面语词为主，少用口语词，以便使作文的语体和用词的色彩和谐一致。2、识别词义。英语里面有许多同义词，还有一词多义的情况。选词造句的时候必须注意自己在使用词语的哪一个意思，以及能不能那样用。3、明确词性。英语有一词多性的现象，也有同一个词根派生出几个单词，它们的含义大致相同，但词性各不相同。4、注意拼写。5、使用词典。写作文应当勤查词典。对拼写、移行、发音、词性，词义或用法有疑问，都可以向词典求教。词典有两大类，汉英词典和英汉词典。同学们应该试用一下英汉双解词典，并逐渐过渡到使用英-英词典，即用英语解释英语的词典，这对准确掌握词义，学习多种表达方式很有好处。二、组织语句sentence-making句子是表达意思相对完整的语言单位。尤其是书面语言，起码是句子作为表述单位。造句首先要注意语法问题。1、主谓齐全。作为一个句子，在一般情况下都应具备主语和谓语尤其是谓语动词是必不可少的。2、关系一致。英语的谓语动词是手主语支配的。因此，主谓关系要一致。同时，代词指代关系的一致，句子前后时态关系的一致等等。3、词序恰当。英语词的词序有些是有规则可循的。即：who + do + what + how + where + when + why. 有些要根据作者强调的重点调整位置。 在语法过关的基础上，造句还应该主要几个修辞上的问题。 1、突出中心。这里包含两层意思。首先，一个句子应该有一个中心意思，不能前面说东后面到西，令人不得要领。第二，确定了一个句子的中心要表达什么意思，就要运用修辞手段把这个意思强调出来。 2、前后连贯。这是指一个句子里的词语要衔接得当。关系清楚，合乎逻辑。 3、语句简练。不要堆砌修饰性词语。在没有把握的情况下，不要用从句。应该多用简单句。 三、组织文章段落 段落是文章中相对独立的一个部分，表达一个相对完整的想法(idea)。它通常由主题句、支撑句、例句和结尾句组成。 1、主题句(topic sentence) 主旨句揭示该段内容的中心，放在段落的开头。从修辞上看，主旨句宜用比较简洁的句子，使读者容易领会该段的主旨。 2、支撑句(supporting sentence) 支撑句的内容必须围绕主题句，支持主题句。使主题句更加具体，易懂。使读者顺利进入文章中。偏离主题句的支撑句等于画蛇添足，使读者感到进入了迷魂阵中，应该删去。 3、结束句(closing sentence) 结束句是对主题句的呼应，它通常导出支撑句所陈述的结果。WritingI、根据流程图，写一篇短文。流程图：first父子三人带着鱼具来到湖边。next父亲使用他的魔语(the right magic)。after thatRobbie钓上一条鱼。later on他们把鱼做熟吃了finally他们驱车回家。

『贰』 如何写好英语作文

1 辅音后才用's表所属所以Charles's friend佳(查尔斯一家人的朋友)，Charles' friend次(不知道是查尔斯一家人的，还是其中某一个人的

2 附加语插入句中用逗号隔开如the best way to see a country, unless you r pressed for time, is to travel on foot.如果并不强调，就不用逗号隔开

3 用法上，"6 April 1988"比"April6, 1986"更好

4 Jr.是Junior的缩写

『叁』 英语怎么练作文，写完了可以自己改吗

一般来说，考生应该模拟考场，给自己一个小时去练习2篇作文，但其实在自己写回完后，如果没有名师指答导的话，自己也是可以把作文改好的。

其次注意结构逻辑是否准确。英语写作不同于中文作文，要把一个观点论述清楚一定要注意合理的逻辑顺序，不能想当然地就跳过当中的说明部分，这样可能会让考官不知所云。比如很多考生会写，汽车使用多了会造成环境污染。事实的确是这样，我们都知道汽车用的多了，造成二氧化碳排放量增加，造成环境污染。但是考生不能直接说汽车使用量增加一定会导致环境问题，这在逻辑上是说不通的。所以逻辑问题尤为注意。
最后，考生写完后自己修改，可将自己写的文章输入word文档里，有红笔的部分就是拼写错误，绿笔的部分就是语法错误，这样能清楚的认识到自己拼写和语法方面的错误。觉得哪些词可以用更好地来替换，哪些句型可以替换，这时候可以借助词典和范文，进行通篇修改。这一点很重要，因为在查词典的同时不仅能认识一些单词及其使用方法，同时也是记忆的一种途径。

『肆』 对比作文的英文作文的结尾怎么写

I. 常见的开头形式
1. 记叙文类
记叙文一般在文章的开头就把人物、时间、事件和环境等记叙要回素交待清答楚，使人明白这篇文章要讲述什么内容。如：
2007年北京卷的第一节情景作文是要求介绍你班两位同学竞选班长的过程。Last Monday, our class held a monitor election. 就把时间和事件交代得非常清楚，使人一看就知道文章的大致内容。
2. 议论文类

『伍』 1000字作文英文怎么写

Old soldiers never die
Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, and Distinguished Members of the Congress:
I stand on this rostrum with a sense of deep humility and great pride -- humility in the weight of those great American architects of our history who have stood here before me; pride in the reflection that this home of legislative debate represents human liberty in the purest form yet devised. Here are centered the hopes and aspirations and faith of the entire human race. I do not stand here as advocate for any partisan cause, for the issues are fundamental and reach quite beyond the realm of partisan consideration. They must be resolved on the highest plane of national interest if our course is to prove sound and our future protected. I trust, therefore, that you will do me the justice of receiving that which I have to say as solely expressing the considered viewpoint of a fellow American.
I address you with neither rancor nor bitterness in the fading twilight of life, with but one purpose in mind: to serve my country. The issues are global and so interlocked that to consider the problems of one sector, oblivious to those of another, is but to court disaster for the whole. While Asia is commonly referred to as the Gateway to Europe, it is no less true that Europe is the Gateway to Asia, and the broad influence of the one cannot fail to have its impact upon the other. There are those who claim our strength is inadequate to protect on both fronts, that we cannot divide our effort. I can think of no greater expression of defeatism. If a potential enemy can divide his strength on two fronts, it is for us to counter his effort. The Communist threat is a global one. Its successful advance in one sector threatens the destruction of every other sector. You can not appease or otherwise surrender to communism in Asia without simultaneously undermining our efforts to halt its advance in Europe.
Beyond pointing out these general truisms, I shall confine my discussion to the general areas of Asia. Before one may objectively assess the situation now existing there, he must comprehend something of Asia's past and the revolutionary changes which have marked her course up to the present. Long exploited by the so-called colonial powers, with little opportunity to achieve any degree of social justice, indivial dignity, or a higher standard of life such as guided our own noble administration in the Philippines, the peoples of Asia found their opportunity in the war just past to throw off the shackles of colonialism and now see the dawn of new opportunity, a heretofore unfelt dignity, and the self-respect of political freedom.
Mustering half of the earth's population, and 60 percent of its natural resources these peoples are rapidly consolidating a new force, both moral and material, with which to raise the living standard and erect adaptations of the design of modern progress to their own distinct cultural environments. Whether one adheres to the concept of colonization or not, this is the direction of Asian progress and it may not be stopped. It is a corollary to the shift of the world economic frontiers as the whole epicenter of world affairs rotates back toward the area whence it started.
In this situation, it becomes vital that our own country orient its policies in consonance with this basic evolutionary condition rather than pursue a course blind to the reality that the colonial era is now past and the Asian peoples covet the right to shape their own free destiny. What they seek now is friendly guidance, understanding, and support -- not imperious direction -- the dignity of equality and not the shame of subjugation. Their pre-war standard of life, pitifully low, is infinitely lower now in the devastation left in war's wake. World ideologies play little part in Asian thinking and are little understood. What the peoples strive for is the opportunity for a little more food in their stomachs, a little better clothing on their backs, a little firmer roof over their heads, and the realization of the normal nationalist urge for political freedom. These political-social conditions have but an indirect bearing upon our own national security, but do form a backdrop to contemporary planning which must be thoughtfully considered if we are to avoid the pitfalls of unrealism.
Of more direct and immediately bearing upon our national security are the changes wrought in the strategic potential of the Pacific Ocean in the course of the past war. Prior thereto the western strategic frontier of the United States lay on the literal line of the Americas, with an exposed island salient extending out through Hawaii, Midway, and Guam to the Philippines. That salient proved not an outpost of strength but an avenue of weakness along which the enemy could and did attack.
The Pacific was a potential area of advance for any predatory force intent upon striking at the bordering land areas. All this was changed by our Pacific victory. Our strategic frontier then shifted to embrace the entire Pacific Ocean, which became a vast moat to protect us as long as we held it. Indeed, it acts as a protective shield for all of the Americas and all free lands of the Pacific Ocean area. We control it to the shores of Asia by a chain of islands extending in an arc from the Aleutians to the Mariannas held by us and our free allies. From this island chain we can dominate with sea and air power every Asiatic port from Vladivostok to Singapore -- with sea and air power every port, as I said, from Vladivostok to Singapore -- and prevent any hostile movement into the Pacific.
Any predatory attack from Asia must be an amphibious effort.* No amphibious force can be successful without control of the sea lanes and the air over those lanes in its avenue of advance. With naval and air supremacy and modest ground elements to defend bases, any major attack from continental Asia toward us or our friends in the Pacific would be doomed to failure.
Under such conditions, the Pacific no longer represents menacing avenues of approach for a prospective invader. It assumes, instead, the friendly aspect of a peaceful lake. Our line of defense is a natural one and can be maintained with a minimum of military effort and expense. It envisions no attack against anyone, nor does it provide the bastions essential for offensive operations, but properly maintained, would be an invincible defense against aggression. The holding of this literal defense line in the western Pacific is entirely dependent upon holding all segments thereof; for any major breach of that line by an unfriendly power would render vulnerable to determined attack every other major segment.
This is a military estimate as to which I have yet to find a military leader who will take exception. For that reason, I have strongly recommended in the past, as a matter of military urgency, that under no circumstances must Formosa fall under Communist control. Such an eventuality would at once threaten the freedom of the Philippines and the loss of Japan and might well force our western frontier back to the coast of California, Oregon and Washington.
To understand the changes which now appear upon the Chinese mainland, one must understand the changes in Chinese character and culture over the past 50 years. China, up to 50 years ago, was completely non-homogenous, being compartmented into groups divided against each other. The war-making tendency was almost non-existent, as they still followed the tenets of the Confucian ideal of pacifist culture. At the turn of the century, under the regime of Chang Tso Lin, efforts toward greater homogeneity proced the start of a nationalist urge. This was further and more successfully developed under the leadership of Chiang Kai-Shek, but has been brought to its greatest fruition under the present regime to the point that it has now taken on the character of a united nationalism of increasingly dominant, aggressive tendencies.
Through these past 50 years the Chinese people have thus become militarized in their concepts and in their ideals. They now constitute excellent soldiers, with competent staffs and commanders. This has proced a new and dominant power in Asia, which, for its own purposes, is allied with Soviet Russia but which in its own concepts and methods has become aggressively imperialistic, with a lust for expansion and increased power normal to this type of imperialism.
There is little of the ideological concept either one way or another in the Chinese make-up. The standard of living is so low and the capital accumulation has been so thoroughly dissipated by war that the masses are desperate and eager to follow any leadership which seems to promise the alleviation of local stringencies.
I have from the beginning believed that the Chinese Communists' support of the North Koreans was the dominant one. Their interests are, at present, parallel with those of the Soviet. But I believe that the aggressiveness recently displayed not only in Korea but also in Indo-China and Tibet and pointing potentially toward the South reflects predominantly the same lust for the expansion of power which has animated every would-be conqueror since the beginning of time.
The Japanese people, since the war, have undergone the greatest reformation recorded in modern history. With a commendable will, eagerness to learn, and marked capacity to understand, they have, from the ashes left in war's wake, erected in Japan an edifice dedicated to the supremacy of indivial liberty and personal dignity; and in the ensuing process there has been created a truly representative government committed to the advance of political morality, freedom of economic enterprise, and social justice.
Politically, economically, and socially Japan is now abreast of many free nations of the earth and will not again fail the universal trust. That it may be counted upon to wield a profoundly beneficial influence over the course of events in Asia is attested by the magnificent manner in which the Japanese people have met the recent challenge of war, unrest, and confusion surrounding them from the outside and checked communism within their own frontiers without the slightest slackening in their forward progress. I sent all four of our occupation divisions to the Korean battlefront without the slightest qualms as to the effect of the resulting power vacuum upon Japan. The results fully justified my faith. I know of no nation more serene, orderly, and instrious, nor in which higher hopes can be entertained for future constructive service in the advance of the human race.
Of our former ward, the Philippines, we can look forward in confidence that the existing unrest will be corrected and a strong and healthy nation will grow in the longer aftermath of war's terrible destructiveness. We must be patient and understanding and never fail them -- as in our hour of need, they did not fail us. A Christian nation, the Philippines stand as a mighty bulwark of Christianity in the Far East, and its capacity for high moral leadership in Asia is unlimited.
On Formosa, the government of the Republic of China has had the opportunity to refute by action much of the malicious gossip which so undermined the strength of its leadership on the Chinese mainland. The Formosan people are receiving a just and enlightened administration with majority representation on the organs of government, and politically, economically, and socially they appear to be advancing along sound and constructive lines.
With this brief insight into the surrounding areas, I now turn to the Korean conflict. While I was not consulted prior to the President's decision to intervene in support of the Republic of Korea, that decision from a military standpoint, proved a sound one, as we hurled back the invader and decimated his forces. Our victory was complete, and our objectives within reach, when Red China intervened with numerically superior ground forces.
This created a new war and an entirely new situation, a situation not contemplated when our forces were committed against the North Korean invaders; a situation which called for new decisions in the diplomatic sphere to permit the realistic adjustment of military strategy.
Such decisions have not been forthcoming.
While no man in his right mind would advocate sending our ground forces into continental China, and such was never given a thought, the new situation did urgently demand a drastic revision of strategic planning if our political aim was to defeat this new enemy as we had defeated the old.
Apart from the military need, as I saw It, to neutralize the sanctuary protection given the enemy north of the Yalu, I felt that military necessity in the conct of the war made necessary: first the intensification of our economic blockade against China; two the imposition of a naval blockade against the China coast; three removal of restrictions on air reconnaissance of China's coastal areas and of Manchuria; four removal of restrictions on the forces of the Republic of China on Formosa, with logistical support to contribute to their effective operations against the common enemy.
For entertaining these views, all professionally designed to support our forces committed to Korea and bring hostilities to an end with the least possible delay and at a saving of countless American and allied lives, I have been severely criticized in lay circles, principally abroad, despite my understanding that from a military standpoint the above views have been fully shared in the past by practically every military leader concerned with the Korean campaign, including our own Joint Chiefs of Staff.
I called for reinforcements but was informed that reinforcements were not available. I made clear that if not permitted to destroy the enemy built-up bases north of the Yalu, if not permitted to utilize the friendly Chinese Force of some 600,000 men on Formosa, if not permitted to blockade the China coast to prevent the Chinese Reds from getting succor from without, and if there were to be no hope of major reinforcements, the position of the command from the military standpoint forbade victory.
We could hold in Korea by constant maneuver and in an approximate area where our supply line advantages were in balance with the supply line disadvantages of the enemy, but we could hope at best for only an indecisive campaign with its terrible and constant attrition upon our forces if the enemy utilized its full military potential. I have constantly called for the new political decisions essential to a solution.
Efforts have been made to distort my position. It has been said, in effect, that I was a warmonger. Nothing could be further from the truth. I know war as few other men now living know it, and nothing to me is more revolting. I have long advocated its complete abolition, as its very destructiveness on both friend and foe has rendered it useless as a means of settling international disputes. Indeed, on the second day of September, nineteen hundred and forty-five, just following the surrender of the Japanese nation on the Battleship Missouri, I formally cautioned as follows:
"Men since the beginning of time have
sought peace. Various methods through the
ages have been attempted to devise an
international process to prevent or settle
disputes between nations. From the very
start workable methods were found in so
far as indivial citizens were concerned,
but the mechanics of an instrumentality of
larger international scope have never
been successful. Military alliances,
balances of power, Leagues of Nations,
all in turn failed, leaving the only path to
be by way of the crucible of war. The
utter destructiveness of war now blocks
out this alternative. We have had our last
chance. If we will not devise some
greater and more equitable system,
Armageddon will be at our door. The
problem basically is theological and
involves a spiritual recrudescence and
improvement of human character that will
synchronize with our almost matchless
advances in science, art, literature, and all
material and cultural developments of
the past 2000 years. It must be of the spirit
if we are to save the flesh."
But once war is forced upon us, there is no other alternative than to apply every available means to bring it to a swift end.
War's very object is victory, not prolonged indecision.
In war there is no substitute for victory.
There are some who, for varying reasons, would appease Red China. They are blind to history's clear lesson, for history teaches with unmistakable emphasis that appeasement but begets new and bloodier war. It points to no single instance where this end has justified that means, where appeasement has led to more than a sham peace. Like blackmail, it lays the basis for new and successively greater demands until, as in blackmail, violence becomes the only other alternative.
"Why," my soldiers asked of me, "surrender military advantages to an enemy in the field?" I could not answer.
Some may say: to avoid spread of the conflict into an all-out war with China; others, to avoid Soviet intervention. Neither explanation seems valid, for China is already engaging with the maximum power it can commit, and the Soviet will not necessarily mesh its actions with our moves. Like a cobra, any new enemy will more likely strike whenever it feels that the relativity in military or other potential is in its favor on a world-wide basis.
The tragedy of Korea is further heightened by the fact that its military action is confined to its territorial limits. It condemns that nation, which it is our purpose to save, to suffer the devastating impact of full naval and air bombardment while the enemy's sanctuaries are fully protected from such attack and devastation.
Of the nations of the world, Korea alone, up to now, is the sole one which has risked its all against communism. The magnificence of the courage and fortitude of the Korean people defies description.
They have chosen to risk death rather than slavery. Their last words to me were: "Don't scuttle the Pacific!"
I have just left your fighting sons in Korea. They have met all tests there, and I can report to you without reservation that they are splendid in every way.
It was my constant effort to preserve them and end this savage conflict honorably and with the least loss of time and a minimum sacrifice of life. Its growing bloodshed has caused me the deepest anguish and anxiety.
Those gallant men will remain often in my thoughts and in my prayers always.
I am closing my 52 years of military service. When I joined the Army, even before the turn of the century, it was the fulfillment of all of my boyish hopes and dreams. The world has turned over many times since I took the oath on the plain at West Point, and the hopes and dreams have long since vanished, but I still remember the refrain of one of the most popular barrack ballads of that day which proclaimed most proudly that "old soldiers never die; they just fade away."
And like the old soldier of that ballad, I now close my military career and just fade away, an old soldier who tried to do his ty as God gave him the light to see that ty.

『陆』 英语作文怎么写

• 1．认真审题立意

  文章要有明确的主题，必须具备4个条件：准确、鲜明、深刻、集中。以作文“The English teacher I Admire Most”为例,文章的主题是关于记叙我最欣赏的一位英语老师,因而就不能泛泛谈论老师这一职业或自己的几位老师。

• 2. 草拟提纲

  文章布局要做好3件事：安排好层次段落，铺设好过渡，处理好开头和结尾。如命题作文中有提示句，还要从提示句的关键词出发，围绕关键词开拓思路，发挥联想，记录下联想到的东西，可以是句子或单词词组，可以是英语或汉语。仍以“TheEnglishTeacherIAdmireMost”为例，提纲可以这样写:

  1）

  2)Myreasons

  3)WhatcanIlearnfromtheteacher

• 3．写出落主题句，理文章之脉络

  一篇短文的段落一般分为引导段、主题段和结尾段。每段的主题句非常重要，是作者思维的起点，切题的准绳，阐述的对象。看到段落主题句，读者大致了解段落要阐述的内容。段落主题句通常是一个语法结构完整、内容概括、用词简洁明了的单句。通常将段落主题句置于段落的开头，可使文章结构更清晰，有说服力。

• 4

  4. 参照提纲，紧扣主题句，完成各段落

  有了段落主题句后，还需要顺着段落主题句的方向，参照提纲中的思路，从而完成各个段落。引导段要能引起读者的注意和兴趣，为主题段铺路架桥。主题段应围绕文章和该段的主题来展开。展开的方式包括：顺序法、举例法、比较法、对比法、说明法、因果法、推导法、归纳法，和下定义等。可以根据需要任选一种或几种方式。还是以“The English Teacher I Admire Most”为例，主题段中就能用到举例法、说明法、因果法等。

『柒』 十年后的我英语作文怎么写

When we have nothing to do and are in a daze, many of us would have thought about how we would be in ten years. Looking the rain outside the window, I couldn’t help imagining myself ten years later. Ten years later, I don’t need to wear school uniform any more, instead of many beautiful dress and some sexy clothes. I would be a famous fashion designer. It must be very wonderful to go around the world, hold large number of fashion show. How great it is!

在我们没有什么事情做发呆的时候，很多人会想过十年后的自己会是怎么样的呢。看着窗外的雨，我禁不住想象我十年后的情况。十年后，我不再需要穿校服了，取而代之的是许多漂亮的性感的衣服。我会成为一名有名的服装设计师。到处环游世界，举行大量的时装秀肯定很精彩。多么的美好啊!

『捌』 英语小作文怎么写

i've
been
learning
to
do
housework
these
days.
the
first
thing
is
cooking.
it's
until
i
held
the
slice
did
i
realized
that
to
cook
yourself
is
much
more
difficult
than
to
watch
others
do
that,
but
finally
i
learned
to
cook
celery
and
meat,
i
enjoyed
it
a
lot.
besides
cooking,
i
aslo
learned
to
wash
my
clothes
这样抄就够了，不用袭写那么多
顺便纠正下他的clothes打错了

『玖』 英文作文《毕业后考研还是工作》该怎么写

Choosing Further Study or Jobs after Graation

There is a heated discussion about what college students choose to do after their graation. Some directors conceive that it is of great significance to undertake postgraate study, which can help graates cultivate some skills and become more competitive in the job market. What is more, it is easy for them to have access to job opportunities. However, Graham, Jordana and some other people perceive that it is more important for students to be devoted to jobs after graation for the reason that practical skills and working experience are more persuasive than the qualifications.

College students do find it difficult to decide what to do after their graation. On my personal note, I hold the view that college students should begin their career after graation. There are at least two good reasons accounting for my opinion. To begin with, if students choose to work after graation, it is beneficial for them to develop practical skills and to accumulate valuable working experience, both which they can not learn from the textbooks.And it is useful for graates to apply the knowledge to the actual work. In addition, there is a tendency that many graates work hard after their graation to repay their parents. In reality, if students choose to undertake postgraate study, their parents will have more financial burden and students themselves may have more stress and anxiety, which is more trouble than it is worth.

In conclusion, personally I support the point of view that college students should choose to commit themselves to work after their graation. On account of the financial conditions and fierce competition in this society, it is a good choice to find jobs to make a living. What is learnt from practical experience is far more significant and important than what is learnt from books. What employees emphasize is the capacity of employers rather than the superb certificates.

『拾』 英语作文中首先其次最后怎么写

First,Next,Finally