英語文體學課後答案

⑴ 這里有一個英語文體學問題我不理解，麻煩大家解答一下，謝謝大家

嗯嗯，像這種問題不用太過深究，因為這是外國人的習慣用語，記住就好了

⑵ 英語文體學的推薦教材料

教材：《英語文體學要略》這是一本專門介紹和控探文學文體的著性教材，由專九章構屬成。第一章為緒論，主要討論現代文體學的定義、理論假說、文體分析的目的、組成部分、步驟和性質等。第二章論述三種有較大影響的文體觀；文體是變異，文體是選擇，文體是突出。第三至第六章集中分析語言學各層次上的變異性突出和過分規則性突出兩大類文化特點。第七章論文學篇的連結。第八章運用言語行為、合作原則和括輪替換等理論對文學作品中的對話進行分析和解釋。最後一章探文壇文體學的理論與方法對英語文學教學的啟示。另外，每章都有配有習題；書末附有術語和人名英漢對照索引。

⑶ 誰有英語文體學教程的課後習題答案啊 請幫幫忙 急用

錢媛實用英語文體學Compare Extracts A and C in terms of the following aspects

⑷ 英語文體學分析一篇文章,或者詩歌都行,要從音位學,形態學,詞彙,語法,語義學這幾個方面來分析

朋友水平不錯 來《詩心書遠》吧發一貼 我先回去泡上好茶

⑸ 什麼是英語文體學

英語抄文體學是一門用英文講授襲的課程。它是一門英語語言文學專業的專業基礎課。它是一門交叉學科，綜合了語言學和文學批評理論的研究成果，向學生介紹文本的形式和內容之間的辨證關系。 該課程的目的是使學生對文體學的歷史沿革及現狀有一系統深入的了解，為此後進一步從事語言學領域的其他方面研究及文體學研究奠定一定的理論基礎。 通過對本門課程的學習，學生應能系統了解文體學發展的歷史沿革及當前的最新發展，用文體學的相關理論指導其語言實踐，使學生對「理論文體學」與「實用文體學」都具有更深入的了解與掌握。

⑹ 英語文體學的發展歷程

西方文體學的研究可上溯到古希臘、羅馬的修辭學研究，早在公元100年就出現了德米特里厄斯的《論文體》這樣集中探討文體問題的論著。但在20世紀之前，對文體的討論一般不外乎主觀印象式的評論，而且通常出現在修辭學研究、文學研究或語法分析之中，文體研究沒有自己相對的地位。20世紀初以來，在採用現代語言方法之後，文體分析方法擺脫了傳統印象式直覺分析的局限，逐漸深入和系統化、科學化。歐洲歷史語言學和普通語言學在20世紀初發展成為較有影響的獨立學科，與語言學相結合的文體學也逐漸成為一門具有一定獨立地位的交叉學科。
現代文體學創始人是法國文體學家巴依（Bally,1865-1974）（索緒爾的學生），他借用索緒爾的結構主 義語言學反思傳統修辭學，力圖將文體學作為語言學的一個分支建立起來，使文體分析更為科學化和系統化。巴依的研究對象是口語體的文體。他認為一個人說話時除了客觀地表達思想外，還常常帶有各種感情色彩。文體學的任務是探討表達這些感情特徵的種種語言手段，以及它們之間的相互關系，並由此入手，分析語言的整個表達方式系統。雖然巴依沒有特別關注文學文本，但他們的普通文體學對於文學文體學的形成有直接的推動作用。稍晚於巴依的德國文體學家斯皮澤（Spitzer, 1887-1960）被普遍尊為文學文體學之父，斯皮澤的研究對象不是口語，而是文學作品。斯皮澤認為文學作品的價值主要體現在語言上，因此他詳細分析具體語言細節所產生的效果，從而有別於傳統印象式批評。此外，他提出了一種適用於分析長篇小說的被稱為「語文圈」的研究方法，即尋找作品中頻繁出現的偏離常規的語言特徵。然後，對其作出作者心理根源上的解釋，接著再回到作品細節中，通過考察相關因素予以證實或修正。受到德國學術思想的影響，斯皮澤將文體學視為連接語言學與文學史的橋梁，旨在通過文體特徵的研究來考察作者心靈以及民族文化和思想澶變的歷史。

⑺ 求：英語文體學要略課後習題答案。。。估計懸。。。

= =對，，，很懸，，，去網上書店收索下看看有沒有帶答案的吧，，，，一般網上不會有現成的。。。

⑻ 英語文體學教程11.5的內容

做什麼用的

⑼ 為什麼英語文體學被認為是語言學的一個分支

簡單地說，因為文體學（Stylistics）是從語言學角度（而不是文學角度）研究文學作版品的學問。它權關注的不是作者的思想、意境、創作背景等文學問題，而是作品中體現的語用規則、言語功能、某些數據統計等語言學問題。當然，文學和語言學的研究范圍有重合部分，如修辭，但總的來說，側重點不同。所以文體學更適合作為語言學的一個分支。

⑽ 英語文體學作業：分析一篇文章的文體作用。請推薦一篇文章，可以是演講稿，短小說，等等之類的，不要太難的

《I have a dream》

by Martin Luther King, Jr.

I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.

Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity.

But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. And so we've come here today to dramatize a shameful condition.

In a sense we've come to our nation's capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the "unalienable Rights" of "Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness." It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note, insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked "insufficient funds."

But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. And so, we've come to cash this check, a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.

We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of Now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of graalism. Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood. Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God's children.

It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment. This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning. And those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. And there will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights. The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.

But there is something that I must say to my people, who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice: In the process of gaining our rightful place, we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred. We must forever conct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again, we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force.

The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny. And they have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom.

We cannot walk alone.

And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead.

We cannot turn back.

There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, "When will you be satisfied?" We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality. We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until "justice rolls down like waters, and righteousness like a mighty stream."

I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells. And some of you have come from areas where your quest -- quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive. Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed.

Let us not wallow in the valley of despair, I say to you today, my friends.

And so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.

I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: "We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal."

I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia, the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.

I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.

I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.

I have a dream today!

I have a dream that one day, down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of "interposition" and "nullification" -- one day right there in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers.

I have a dream today!

I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, and every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight; "and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it together."?
This is our hope, and this is the faith that I go back to the South with.

With this faith, we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith, we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith, we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.

And this will be the day -- this will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with new meaning:

My country 'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing.

Land where my fathers died, land of the Pilgrim's pride,

From every mountainside, let freedom ring!

And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true.

And so let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire.

Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York.

Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of
Pennsylvania.

Let freedom ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado.

Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California.

But not only that:

Let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia.

Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee.

Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi.

From every mountainside, let freedom ring.

And when this happens, when we allow freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God's children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual:

Free at last! free at last!

Thank God Almighty, we are free at last!

長嗎？

【不管採納不採納（當然最好還是採納） 請看在回答的份上 點一下右下角大拇指"贊同"送我1分 謝謝 =3=】