英语文体学课后答案

⑴ 这里有一个英语文体学问题我不理解，麻烦大家解答一下，谢谢大家

嗯嗯，像这种问题不用太过深究，因为这是外国人的习惯用语，记住就好了

⑵ 英语文体学的推荐教材料

教材：《英语文体学要略》这是一本专门介绍和控探文学文体的著性教材，由专九章构属成。第一章为绪论，主要讨论现代文体学的定义、理论假说、文体分析的目的、组成部分、步骤和性质等。第二章论述三种有较大影响的文体观；文体是变异，文体是选择，文体是突出。第三至第六章集中分析语言学各层次上的变异性突出和过分规则性突出两大类文化特点。第七章论文学篇的连结。第八章运用言语行为、合作原则和括轮替换等理论对文学作品中的对话进行分析和解释。最后一章探文坛文体学的理论与方法对英语文学教学的启示。另外，每章都有配有习题；书末附有术语和人名英汉对照索引。

⑶ 谁有英语文体学教程的课后习题答案啊 请帮帮忙 急用

钱媛实用英语文体学Compare Extracts A and C in terms of the following aspects

⑷ 英语文体学分析一篇文章,或者诗歌都行,要从音位学,形态学,词汇,语法,语义学这几个方面来分析

朋友水平不错 来《诗心书远》吧发一贴 我先回去泡上好茶

⑸ 什么是英语文体学

英语抄文体学是一门用英文讲授袭的课程。它是一门英语语言文学专业的专业基础课。它是一门交叉学科，综合了语言学和文学批评理论的研究成果，向学生介绍文本的形式和内容之间的辨证关系。 该课程的目的是使学生对文体学的历史沿革及现状有一系统深入的了解，为此后进一步从事语言学领域的其他方面研究及文体学研究奠定一定的理论基础。 通过对本门课程的学习，学生应能系统了解文体学发展的历史沿革及当前的最新发展，用文体学的相关理论指导其语言实践，使学生对“理论文体学”与“实用文体学”都具有更深入的了解与掌握。

⑹ 英语文体学的发展历程

西方文体学的研究可上溯到古希腊、罗马的修辞学研究，早在公元100年就出现了德米特里厄斯的《论文体》这样集中探讨文体问题的论著。但在20世纪之前，对文体的讨论一般不外乎主观印象式的评论，而且通常出现在修辞学研究、文学研究或语法分析之中，文体研究没有自己相对的地位。20世纪初以来，在采用现代语言方法之后，文体分析方法摆脱了传统印象式直觉分析的局限，逐渐深入和系统化、科学化。欧洲历史语言学和普通语言学在20世纪初发展成为较有影响的独立学科，与语言学相结合的文体学也逐渐成为一门具有一定独立地位的交叉学科。
现代文体学创始人是法国文体学家巴依（Bally,1865-1974）（索绪尔的学生），他借用索绪尔的结构主 义语言学反思传统修辞学，力图将文体学作为语言学的一个分支建立起来，使文体分析更为科学化和系统化。巴依的研究对象是口语体的文体。他认为一个人说话时除了客观地表达思想外，还常常带有各种感情色彩。文体学的任务是探讨表达这些感情特征的种种语言手段，以及它们之间的相互关系，并由此入手，分析语言的整个表达方式系统。虽然巴依没有特别关注文学文本，但他们的普通文体学对于文学文体学的形成有直接的推动作用。稍晚于巴依的德国文体学家斯皮泽（Spitzer, 1887-1960）被普遍尊为文学文体学之父，斯皮泽的研究对象不是口语，而是文学作品。斯皮泽认为文学作品的价值主要体现在语言上，因此他详细分析具体语言细节所产生的效果，从而有别于传统印象式批评。此外，他提出了一种适用于分析长篇小说的被称为“语文圈”的研究方法，即寻找作品中频繁出现的偏离常规的语言特征。然后，对其作出作者心理根源上的解释，接着再回到作品细节中，通过考察相关因素予以证实或修正。受到德国学术思想的影响，斯皮泽将文体学视为连接语言学与文学史的桥梁，旨在通过文体特征的研究来考察作者心灵以及民族文化和思想澶变的历史。

⑺ 求：英语文体学要略课后习题答案。。。估计悬。。。

= =对，，，很悬，，，去网上书店收索下看看有没有带答案的吧，，，，一般网上不会有现成的。。。

⑻ 英语文体学教程11.5的内容

做什么用的

⑼ 为什么英语文体学被认为是语言学的一个分支

简单地说，因为文体学（Stylistics）是从语言学角度（而不是文学角度）研究文学作版品的学问。它权关注的不是作者的思想、意境、创作背景等文学问题，而是作品中体现的语用规则、言语功能、某些数据统计等语言学问题。当然，文学和语言学的研究范围有重合部分，如修辞，但总的来说，侧重点不同。所以文体学更适合作为语言学的一个分支。

⑽ 英语文体学作业：分析一篇文章的文体作用。请推荐一篇文章，可以是演讲稿，短小说，等等之类的，不要太难的

《I have a dream》

by Martin Luther King, Jr.

I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.

Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity.

But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. And so we've come here today to dramatize a shameful condition.

In a sense we've come to our nation's capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the "unalienable Rights" of "Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness." It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note, insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked "insufficient funds."

But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. And so, we've come to cash this check, a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.

We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of Now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of graalism. Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood. Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God's children.

It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment. This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning. And those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. And there will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights. The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.

But there is something that I must say to my people, who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice: In the process of gaining our rightful place, we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred. We must forever conct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again, we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force.

The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny. And they have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom.

We cannot walk alone.

And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead.

We cannot turn back.

There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, "When will you be satisfied?" We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality. We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until "justice rolls down like waters, and righteousness like a mighty stream."

I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells. And some of you have come from areas where your quest -- quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive. Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed.

Let us not wallow in the valley of despair, I say to you today, my friends.

And so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.

I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: "We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal."

I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia, the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.

I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.

I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.

I have a dream today!

I have a dream that one day, down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of "interposition" and "nullification" -- one day right there in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers.

I have a dream today!

I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, and every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight; "and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it together."?
This is our hope, and this is the faith that I go back to the South with.

With this faith, we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith, we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith, we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.

And this will be the day -- this will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with new meaning:

My country 'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing.

Land where my fathers died, land of the Pilgrim's pride,

From every mountainside, let freedom ring!

And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true.

And so let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire.

Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York.

Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of
Pennsylvania.

Let freedom ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado.

Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California.

But not only that:

Let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia.

Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee.

Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi.

From every mountainside, let freedom ring.

And when this happens, when we allow freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God's children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual:

Free at last! free at last!

Thank God Almighty, we are free at last!

长吗？

【不管采纳不采纳（当然最好还是采纳） 请看在回答的份上 点一下右下角大拇指"赞同"送我1分 谢谢 =3=】